With conservatives on Capitol Hill clamoring for a showdown over earmarks, the following document was prepared to by a congressional aide to explain the importance of a presidential executive order dealing with earmarks.
Q: Why must the President issue an executive order to instruct his agencies to ignore non-legislative or “report language” earmarks? Can’t the same thing be accomplished by other means — a signing statement, an OMB memo, or a rescissions package?
A: A rescissions package is dead on arrival on Capitol Hill. Congress will never take it up and won’t pass it. We cannot honestly expect earmark supporters in Congress to rescind their own pet projects.
A “signing statement” would have some of the positive effects of an executive order for FY08, but it would not create a lasting prohibition against wasteful and corrupt earmarks. A signing statement would also allow a future President who wants to placate Congress to return Washington to its previous earmarking ways. The next President could rescind an executive order but it would be politically dangerous and would show the American people that he does not support reform.
Anything short of an executive order will not have the gravity to discipline the Executive Branch. An executive order is a direct order from the President to all federal employees that they are required to ignore all report language earmarks. Anything less than full compliance would amount to ignoring an order from the President.
OMB attempted a similar directive with a memo near the end of the Reagan Administration. There was an open revolt from federal bureaucrats. A CQ article at the time summed up the situation,
“In one glaring case, Veterans Administration chief Thomas K. Turnage told [OMB Director] Miller June 24 he had ordered his agencies to “fully comply” with the fiscal 1988 spending bill and the accompanying committee report.
“The message in Turnage’s letter to Miller was clear. The VA would have to deal with Congress in the years to come, long after Miller and the rest of the Reagan administration have departed from the White House. ‘My obligations to this agency and to this nation’s veterans preclude me from taking action which, in the long term, will only negatively impact on them,’ Turnage wrote.”
If an agency head were to respond in a similar manner to an executive order, they would be shown the door.
But this does help highlight the fact that agencies know if they do not execute appropriator’s earmarks faithfully, there will be punishment. Only an executive order would sufficiently embolden them to reject wasteful earmarks, because they know they have the clear and unambiguous support of the President of the United States. Any problems a lawmaker has with an agency’s rejection of a non-legislative earmark would have to be taken up with the President.
Additionally an executive order would be crafted to stop the practice of “phone-marking” when a lawmaker calls an agency to pressure it to fund an earmark. An executive order would stop this kind of backdoor earmarking. It would instruct agencies to award funds according to the normal merit-based process and not allow phone calls or letters from Congress to distort the process.
Q: How can the President wipe out thousands of earmarks passed by Congress? Is such an executive order legal?
A: The Congressional Research Service has said repeatedly that report language earmarks do not have the force of law. These spending directives were never part of the bill voted on by Congress and signed by the President. On December 18th CRS stated that an executive order of this nature was completely within the President’s powers.
“This memorandum is in response to your request for a legal analysis of the President’s authority to issue an executive order that would instruct “federal agency officials to ignore Congressional Earmarks contained in committee report language.” In addition, you have also asked us to address whether, as a matter of law, earmarks contained only in committee report language are legally binding on federal agencies.
“Based on our review of the relevant constitutional provisions, statutes, and applicable case law it appears that the President possesses the necessary legal and constitutional authority to issue such an executive order. That said, the issuance of an executive order appears to be a discretionary act whose issuance is solely vested with the President of the United States. With respect to your second question, it appears that because the language of committee reports do not meet the procedural requirements of Article I of the Constitution – specifically, bicameralism and presentment – they are not laws and, therefore, are not legally binding on executive agencies.”
Q: Don’t Members of Congress know more about the needs of their districts and states than nameless faceless bureaucrats in Washington?
A: In a word: No. What politicians know is what is in the best interest of their political career. The Congressional Black Caucus Chair pointed this out quite clearly to the Speaker of the House when she stated, “Inherently, we understand that this earmark process is not equitable… There are a few examples of where your help could significantly assist a few members in highly contested races.” (See Rep. Jeb Hensarling’s press release.)
Members are not going award funds on the basis of what’s best for the nation or what’s best for their state or district, but rather what’s best for their political interest.
Even if the criteria they use is in the best interests of their district or state, the earmarking process doesn’t lend itself to merit-based decision making. The projects that come to Member’s attention are self-selected by the communities who have hired the right lobbyist to get the ear of the Member or their staff. If a meritorious project hasn’t retained a firm or the right firm, they’re often out of luck.
Further there is no competitive process in place to impartially evaluate the merits of competing projects. The selection of earmarks is a politically driven and secretive process with next to no transparency.
CNN recently attempted to find out what earmarks Members of Congress were requesting. Most Members refused to make these requests public, preventing even their constituents from knowing which projects they had selected to get federal tax dollars.
“Is your representative in Congress willing to share his or her list of earmark requests for 2008? CNN called the offices of 435 members of the House to ask whether they would make their lists public. Only 50 members’ offices provided a list; of the others, 68 declined, 311 did not respond and six said they had no earmark requests.”
If a federal agency had refused to disclose who it selected for the awarding of federal funds there would be widespread and legitimate outrage on Capitol Hill.
Q: Doesn’t Congress have the “power of the purse”? Article I of the Constitution says, “No money shall be drawn from the Treasury except as a consequence of appropriations made by law.”
A: Congress certainly has the power of the purse, but it should exercise it responsibly. The practice of earmarking has perverted the original purpose of the power of the purse. Congress has gone from appropriating funds for programmatic spending to micromanaging the expenditure or federal funds down to relatively tiny increments such as $133,000 for rodent eradication in Arkansas. Using earmarks, Congress is upsetting the separation of powers embodied in the Constitution by engaging in what are essentially executive functions.
The December 18th CRS memo also acknowledged that the power to issue an executive order turning off non-legislative earmarks was well within the President’s Executive power:
Generally speaking, executive orders and Presidential proclamations are used extensively by Presidents to achieve policy goals, set uniform standards for managing the Executive Branch, or to outline a policy view intended to influence the behavior of private citizens. The Constitution does not contain any provisions that define either executive orders or proclamations, nor is there a specific provision authorizing their issuance. As such, the legal authority for the execution and implementation of executive orders stems from implied constitutional and statutory authority. In the constitutional context, presidential power to issue such orders has been derived from Article II, which states that “the executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States,” that “the President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States,” and that the President “shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” The President’s power to issue executive orders and proclamations may also derive from express or implied statutory authority. Irrespective of the implied nature of the authority to issue executive orders and proclamations, these instruments have been employed by every President since the inception of the Republic. Despite the amorphous nature of the authority to issue executive orders, Presidents have not hesitated to wield this power over a wide range of often controversial subjects.
Given both the implied legal and constitutional authority as well as the long-standing accepted practice of Presidents, it appears that a President can, if he so chooses, issue an executive order with respect to earmarks contained solely in committee reports and not in any way incorporated into the legislative text.
The restoration of the Executive’s power to administer federal programs would be a welcome restoration of the balance of power. It would return day-to-day management control of the Executive Branch and remove politically motivated lawmakers from the administration of federal programs.
Q: Won’t this just force earmarks into bill text?
A: Yes and that’s a good thing. When earmarks are put in the text of the bill, they are subject to the earmark rules prohibiting so-called “air-dropped” earmarks — those added to bills that were not approved by either the House or the Senate. Forcing lawmakers to write then directly into the bill makes it much more difficult and much more transparent. It also allows Senators to force an up-or-down vote on every earmark.
Q: But if they’re in bill language won’t this eliminate the Executive Branch’s flexibility to put earmarks in the right place?
A: The idea that the Administration somehow has the flexibility to move around earmarks without retaliation from appropriators in Congress is not born out by the facts. The appropriations committees keep a tight reign on the ability of the agencies they oversee to reprogram funds. The informal arrangement between the agencies and the appropriations committees requires that the agencies get the appropriations committee’s permission before they exercise any “flexibility.” The GAO’s Principles of Federal Appropriations Law sums up as such, “In sum, reprogramming procedures provide an element of congressional control over spending flexibility short of resort to the full legislative process. They are for the most part nonbinding, and compliance is largely a matter of keeping faith with the pertinent committees.” (emphasis added)
In practice, flexibility doesn’t really exist for non-legislative earmarks. If an agency wants to exercise some flexibility they need the appropriations committee’s blessing or they will see their budgets for various offices cut in the next budget cycle. The agencies have the flexibility to modify earmarks into other earmarks, but they are not generally allowed to change them into something appropriators don’t like.
The executive order would put an end to this kind of kowtowing to appropriators. Federal agencies would be clearly instructed to allocate tax dollars according to the normal competitive or merit-based process.